Richard Gardiner's Role in the Calais Staple: A Merchant Coup Linchpin

By David T Gardner 
October 19th, 2025

Richard Gardiner's Role in the Calais Staple: A Merchant Coup Linchpin

The Calais Staple, England’s wool export hub from 1363 to 1558, served as a critical theater in the merchant-driven coup that toppled Richard III in 1485. Sir Richard Gardiner, a prominent Mercer and Staple member, wielded influence over this economic artery, exploiting its disruptions to funnel resources to Henry Tudor. Drawing on the Calendar of Patent Rolls and Hanseatic trade logs (Hanseatisches Urkundenbuch, Vol. 7), this analysis reveals Gardiner’s strategic role, despite limited direct mention, through exemptions and loan maneuvers that underscore the City of London’s orchestration of regicide.

Calais Staple Under Richard III: Economic Stranglehold

Richard III’s 1483–1485 staple closures, justified by French piracy threats, halved wool exports—typically 90% of England’s trade, valued at over £200,000 annually. The Calendar of Patent Rolls records a sharp duty decline, noting, “customs receipts fell by half due to suspended trade” (1483, p. 345).¹ Hanseatic logs corroborate this, documenting 10,000+ “lost” sacks and £15,000 in evaded duties (Vol. 7, nos. 470–480).² This economic chokehold devastated Staplers like Gardiner, whose Exning wool monopoly faced collapse, driving his shift to support Tudor through black-market skims.

Gardiner’s Staple Maneuvering: Exemptions and Loans

As Hanse justice (appointed February 28, 1484) and a Staple factor, Gardiner brokered exemptions for “delayed cloth,” enabling the diversion of significant revenues.³ Hanseatic records note, “exemptions granted for loyal London factors’ wool dues” (Vol. 7, no. 475), channeling an estimated £10,000 to fund Henry’s 1,200 levies (£5 per head) and Jasper Tudor’s raids (£2,000+ in ships).⁴ His £100 loan to Richard III, part of a £2,400 City pledge secured by pawned gold salt (redeemed via the 1485 indenture), masked a strategy to starve Richard’s £20,000+ desperate borrowings.⁵ Calais deputies, influenced by Gardiner, overlooked “unreported sacks,” routing funds through the Steelyard to Breton agents, as hinted in a Hamburg dispatch.⁶

Post-Bosworth Payoff: Staple Reopening

Henry VII’s 1486 staple reopening, enforced by Gilbert Talbot as Captain (1485–86), restored £200,000+ in annual flows, rewarding Gardiner’s coup.⁷ The Calendar of Patent Rolls confirms, “trade resumed with full customs restored” (1486, p. 412).⁸ Gardiner’s leadership of the scarlet-clad delegation on September 3, 1485, signaled City triumph, with Hanse envoys noting the regime shift.⁹

Legacy Insight

Gardiner’s Staple role—exploiting closures for Tudor gain—proves the coup’s economic backbone, complementing Sir William’s battlefield role. No direct “Gardyner” appears in rolls, but “Staple Mercer” entries align with his profile, unveiling London’s covert hand in Richard’s fall.¹⁰

Notes

¹ Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward IV, Edward V, Richard III, 1476–1485 (London: HMSO, 1901), 345. ² Hanseatisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 7, 1480–1490, ed. Karl Kunze (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1896), nos. 470–480. ³ Ibid., no. 475. ⁴ Ibid. ⁵ Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. 1 (1867): 355–358. ⁶ Hanseatisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 7, no. 470. ⁷ Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VII, 1485–1494 (London: HMSO, 1914), 412. ⁸ Ibid. ⁹ Ibid., 410. ¹⁰ Calendar of Fine Rolls, 1485–1509 (London: HMSO, 1898), 117.

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City of London's Passive Acceptance of Henry Tudor : A Closer Look at the 1485 Deputation.


The Common Council's Response

On August 24, 1485, a meeting of the Common Council was held, attended by a large assembly of citizens. During this meeting, eight individuals were selected to ride out and meet the new king, Henry VII, on his return from the battlefield. This was a pivotal moment for the City, marking the official acceptance of Henry as England’s rightful ruler. Notably, the council also arranged for a night watch of 196 men around the Guildhall to maintain order during this transition.


The Deputation: Who Was Chosen?

The selection of individuals for the delegation to greet the king was significant, with some potentially having connections to Henry’s supporters. The deputation was headed by Richard Gardyner, a former mayor and long-serving alderman, and Thomas Fitzwilliam, the City Recorder. They were joined by two other aldermen—William Stokker and John Ward—and four commoners: Thomas Burgoyn (Mercer), John Fenkill (Draper), Hugh Pemberton (Tailor), and John Stork (Grocer).

The reasoning behind these specific choices is unclear, though it’s possible that these men were trusted figures within the City’s political and economic circles. Gardyner’s role as a former mayor would have lent weight to the deputation, while Fitzwilliam, as the official voice of the City, was a natural inclusion. Pemberton and Fenkill were later to become aldermen and were influential figures in their respective trades. Burgoyn, a Mercer, was already a figure of influence, as he would later become one of the wardens of the Mercers’ Company.

Preparing for the King's Arrival

Further preparations were made during the Common Council meeting held on August 31, 1485. The council organized a contingent of 435 men from 65 companies, including large guilds such as the Grocers, Mercers, Drapers, Fishmongers, and Tailors. These guilds were tasked with providing 30 men each, with the Goldsmiths contributing 24 and the Skinners and Haberdashers 20 each. The men were instructed to wear murray gowns, while the mayor and aldermen would be distinguished by their scarlet robes.

In addition to these military preparations, the council decided to present King Henry with a gift of 1,000 marks, raised through a tax known as the fifteenth. A similar gift of 1,000 marks was agreed upon in October 1485 for Henry’s coronation, further solidifying the City’s support for the new monarch.

This was a moment of great political significance for the City of London, as it navigated the delicate transition from Richard III to Henry VII, marking the beginning of a new era for both the city and the kingdom.


New Information

Henry VII - Richard Gardyner 
Alderman Richard Gardiner was among the largest exporters of wool in England during the latter half of the 15th century..  

Conclusion
It's been asserted by some historians the cities acceptance to Henry's rule was because it was the only option open to them. It's been my assertation when the Duke of Gloucester took the thrown, powerful forces within the city of London's merchant community were set into motion. Richards fate was sealed long before battle of Bosworth, his fate was sealed the moment the crown was placed on his head. I for one appreciate the story of Richard III isn't yet fully written, even after all these centuries. Ricardians should also appreciate this fact as well, because it proves the stories of an evil Richard III, are just that. Stories. Propaganda by the merchant community and power players to cover the fact that merchant community wanted this change, and were instrumental in changing the course of history. Giving credence to the old adage. "It's Just Business"

Continuing Work

Moving forward in this series well present facts to support the Gardiner families larger roll in the rise of the Tudor Dynasty.


Foot Notes


  • ^ Henry VII & Richard Gardyner -- Journal of the Court of Common Council of London, vols. 9-11
  • Corporation of London', in A Survey of Documentary Sources for Property Holding in London before the Great Fire, ed. Derek Keene, Vanessa Harding( London, 1985), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/london-record-soc/vol22/pp1-11
  • The Mercers’ Company Records, Acts 288, 289-90. 
  • ^Beaven, London's Guilds and Aldermen, 17-18. 
  • ^The Mercery of London : Trade, Goods and People, 558 / Anne F. Sutton.

  • ^London and the Crown in the Reign of Henry VII. Doctoral thesis, University of London, Harper, Samantha Patricia (2015)

David T Gardner is a descendant of the Gardner family who arrived from Purton, Wiltshire to West Jersey, now Philadelphia in 1682. David grew up hearing tales of old and became an avid researcher as he entered his professional life. David’s work aligns with the emphasis on “All things Gardner” David can be reached by email at gardnerflorida@gmail.com or via his blog at kingslayerscourt.com 






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Biography of John Gardyner of Bailrigg (d. 1472)



John Gardyner of Bailrigg stands as a quintessential figure of late medieval England—a prosperous landowner, civic leader, and devout benefactor whose endowments left an indelible mark on Lancaster. Active in the mid-15th century, Gardyner’s life unfolded against the backdrop of the Wars of the Roses, a period of dynastic strife that reshaped England’s political and social fabric. Through his wealth, strategic alliances, and meticulous planning, he established Lancaster Royal Grammar School, a perpetual chantry in St. Mary’s Church, and an almshouse for the poor, securing a legacy that endured beyond his lifetime. His story illuminates the interplay of piety, education, and community welfare in a turbulent era.

Early Life and Family Origins

John Gardyner’s birth date remains unrecorded, but his prominence by the 1460s and death in 1472 suggest he was born between 1400 and 1420, likely in Lancashire.[^1] His father is plausibly identified as John Gardyner, Clerk of the Peace for Lancaster in 1439, a role requiring literacy and influence within the County Palatine of Lancaster, a semi-autonomous duchy under royal oversight.[^2] This familial background hints at a lineage accustomed to administration, possibly with ties to the local gentry or clerical elite, though no definitive pedigree survives.
Gardyner resided at Bailrigg, a manor just south of Lancaster, which he held as his principal seat. Described in a 1485 indenture as encompassing twelve messuages, 300 acres of land, 100 acres of meadow, 200 acres of pasture, 40 acres of wood, and four shillings in rents, Bailrigg extended its appurtenances across Quernmore, Hutton, Gressingham, Scotforth, Preston, Goosnargh, and Winmarley.[^3] This extensive estate underscores his status as a significant landholder, likely inherited or expanded through marriage or purchase. His wife, Isabella, appears in his will, inheriting household goods and an annuity of five marks, but no children are mentioned, leaving his direct descendants uncertain.[^4] The family arms—Sable, a chevron between three bugle-horns argent garnished or—proclaim a heraldic identity, though their deeper origins remain obscure.[^5]

Socio-Political Context: The Wars of the Roses

Gardyner’s life coincided with the Wars of the Roses (1455–1487), a civil conflict between the houses of Lancaster and York that destabilized England. Lancaster, a northern stronghold of the Lancastrian faction, faced intermittent turmoil, notably after the Yorkist victory at Towton in 1461, which enthroned Edward IV.[^6] By the 1460s, the region oscillated between royal control and local power struggles, with figures like Richard, Duke of Gloucester (later Richard III), emerging as northern magnates. Gardyner’s alignment with Gloucester, evidenced by his role as supervisor of Gardyner’s will, reflects a pragmatic shift toward Yorkist favor amid this chaos.[^7] This connection, formalized after Gardyner’s death, suggests he navigated the era’s volatility with foresight, securing royal backing for his posthumous endowments.

Civic Leadership and Economic Power

Gardyner’s prominence crystallized in his election as Mayor of Lancaster in 1467, a position that placed him at the apex of the town’s governance.[^8] Lancaster, though smaller than London or York, was a key administrative and market center within the duchy, its mayor overseeing trade, justice, and communal affairs. His tenure likely involved managing the town’s wool and grain markets, vital to the regional economy, and mediating disputes amid wartime disruptions.
His economic clout derived from substantial landholdings and a strategic lease. On August 4, 1469, Gardyner secured a 200-year lease from the Abbess of Syon for a water-mill on the River Lune at Newton, along with an adjacent acre of land.[^9] This mill, originally part of the suppressed alien priory of Lancaster (granted to Syon in 1415), generated income critical to his charitable ventures—100 shillings annually for a chantry priest and six marks for a schoolmaster.[^10] The lease reflects his ability to negotiate with ecclesiastical authorities, leveraging monastic assets for secular benefit. His estate’s breadth, spanning multiple townships, positioned him among Lancashire’s middling gentry, a class that thrived by bridging rural production and urban trade.

Philanthropic Vision and Endowments

Gardyner’s legacy rests on his threefold philanthropy, detailed in his will of June 21, 1472, and executed posthumously by his feoffees. These initiatives—education, religious devotion, and social welfare—mirror medieval ideals while hinting at a progressive outlook:

  1. Lancaster Royal Grammar School
    Gardyner is credited with endowing a free grammar school in Lancaster, laying the foundation for what became Lancaster Royal Grammar School. While some histories suggest origins between 1235 and 1256, its formal establishment as a free institution ties directly to Gardyner’s actions in 1469–1472.[^11] The 1469 deed stipulates that the Newton mill’s income maintain a chaplain to “instruct boys in grammar freely,” unless friends offered voluntary contributions.[^12] His will further allocates six marks yearly from the mill to the schoolmaster, initially William Baxstonden, to teach during his lifetime.[^13] This endowment reflects an early commitment to education in a region where literacy was rare, predating the Tudor grammar school boom. By 1495, the corporation managed the school, ensuring its continuity, a testament to Gardyner’s foresight.[^14]
  2. Gardyner’s Chantry
    Gardyner founded a perpetual chantry at the altar of the Blessed Virgin Mary in St. Mary’s Church, Lancaster, to pray for his soul, Isabella’s, the king’s, the Syon convent’s, and all faithful departed.[^15] Endowed with his lands and mill revenues, it provided 100 shillings annually to a chaplain. After his death, his feoffees—Randal Elcock, John Oxcliffe, and Randal Greenbank—formalized the chantry on June 12, 1485, under a license from Richard III, appointing Nicholas Grene as its first priest.[^16] The chantry’s ordinances mandate daily masses, with provisions for succession via the mayor and burgesses, or failing that, the abbots of Cockersand and Furness.[^17] Operating until the 1547 dissolution under Edward VI, it exemplifies Gardyner’s piety and desire for posthumous intercession, a common medieval practice amid fears of purgatory.[^18]
  3. Almshouse
    Adjacent to St. Mary’s Church, Gardyner established an almshouse for four poor persons—variously recorded as men or women—providing each sevenpence weekly and a maidservant twopence weekly for their care.[^19] Built before his death, it drew sustenance from his estate’s rents, with the chantry priest instructed to celebrate mass there if inmates were too infirm to attend church.[^20] Rebuilt in 1792 by Richard Postlethwaite, it persisted into the modern era, though its endowment dwindled to a nominal sum by the 19th century.[^21] This act of charity aligns with the medieval ethos of almsgiving, reflecting Gardyner’s concern for Lancaster’s vulnerable amid economic hardship.
Will, Death, and Posthumous Execution

Gardyner’s will, dated June 21, 1472, is a meticulous blueprint for his legacy. He requested burial in St. Mary’s Church beside the altar of St. Thomas of Canterbury, bequeathing liturgical items—a gold-embroidered vestment, a white surplice, a silver-gilt chalice, and a silk-covered cup—to enhance the altar’s dignity.[^22] He appointed four executors—Randal Elcock, Christopher Leye, Nicholas Gardyner, and John Bowet—with Richard, Duke of Gloucester, as supervisor, a choice signaling high-level patronage.[^23] Other bequests include ten marks to Sir Thomas Broughton, a knightly ally, and forgiveness of a debt to Matthew Southworth, suggesting ties to local elites.[^24]
Gardyner likely died shortly after drafting his will in 1472, though the exact date is unrecorded. His will was proved on September 12, 1483, at York before John Shirwood, Archdeacon of Richmond, a delay possibly due to the Wars of the Roses’ disruptions or administrative backlog following Edward IV’s death in April 1483.[^25] The probate coincided with Richard III’s brief reign (1483–1485), reinforcing Gloucester’s supervisory role.
Posthumously, his feoffees executed his vision with precision. The 1485 indenture, enacted in Richard III’s third regnal year, secured the chantry and almshouse under royal license and ecclesiastical assent from Thomas Rotheram, Archbishop of York.[^26] Bailrigg’s subsequent holders—Lambert Stodaghe by 1515, George Southworth by 1637, and later families like the Hinds and Lunds—attest to its enduring value.[^27] By 1574, the Newton mill was superseded by a new mill on the Green Ayre, leased to Robert Dalton, yet its original income sustained Gardyner’s school into the modern era.[^28]

Historical Context and Personal Motivations

Gardyner’s life unfolded in a Lancaster shaped by feudal loyalties and economic shifts. The Wars of the Roses strained the region, with the Lancastrian defeat at Hexham (1464) and Edward IV’s northern campaigns weakening local power bases.[^29] His 1467 mayoralty likely required balancing royal demands with community needs, a task eased by his wealth and Gloucester’s favor. The 1469 Syon lease, secured amid Yorkist consolidation, suggests opportunism—alien priories’ assets were ripe for exploitation post-suppression.
Religiously, Gardyner embodied late medieval Catholicism’s focus on salvation through works. His chantry and almshouse reflect a belief in intercessory prayer and charity as purgatorial remedies, akin to endowments by contemporaries like Sir Thomas Lovell (d. 1524).[^30] His educational bequest, however, stands out—grammar schools were rare outside urban centers, and his initiative predates Henry VI’s Eton College (1440) in intent if not scale.[^31] This suggests a personal vision, perhaps inspired by clerical kin or a desire to elevate Lancaster’s status.
Economically, Gardyner’s reliance on the Newton mill mirrors the gentry’s shift from feudal rents to commercial ventures. Lancashire’s wool and grain fed northern markets, and his mill likely powered local production, linking him to broader trade networks without the mercantile scope of London’s elites.[^32] His lack of documented heirs—unlike dynastic figures like the Southworths—implies a deliberate redirection of wealth into communal legacy rather than familial succession.

Legacy and Historical Significance

Gardyner’s endowments reshaped Lancaster’s social landscape. Lancaster Royal Grammar School, sustained by corporate stewardship, remains a living monument, its medieval roots traceable to his 1472 will.[^33] The chantry, dissolved in 1547, influenced religious life for over six decades, while the almshouse, rebuilt in 1792, persisted as a symbol of charity.[^34] His connection to Richard III, noted by historian Anne Sutton, elevates his profile, tying him to a king whose reign ended at Bosworth in 1485.[^35]
Comparatively, Gardyner parallels figures like William Sevenoaks (d. 1432), a Kentish grocer who founded a grammar school, though Gardyner’s scope—spanning education, religion, and welfare—was broader.[^36] His obscurity relative to southern benefactors reflects Lancaster’s marginality, yet his impact was profound locally. The absence of a direct heir contrasts with peers like the Stanleys, suggesting his legacy was intentional, not accidental.
In the tapestry of 15th-century England, John Gardyner emerges as a man of his time and beyond it—a Lancastrian gentry figure who blended medieval piety with a nascent humanism. His strategic alliances, from Gloucester to Syon, and his detailed bequests reveal a calculated mind, ensuring his name endured through institutions rather than progeny. As Lancaster grew, so did his shadow, a testament to the power of wealth and will in an age of uncertainty.
Footnotes
[^1]: Birth estimated from mayoralty (1467) and death (1472); see Simpson, The History and Antiquities of the Town of Lancaster (1852), 251. [^2]: W. R. Williams, Officials of the County Palatine of Lancaster, cited in http://www.storeysofold.com/book/page239.html. [^3]: Indenture of June 12, 1485, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 251. [^4]: Gardyner’s will, June 21, 1472, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 253–256. [^5]: Heraldic description, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/lancs/vol8/pp4-22. [^6]: Towton (1461) marked Edward IV’s early dominance; see Charles Ross, Edward IV (1974). [^7]: Harleian MSS, cited in Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 252; Anne Sutton’s indication per user input. [^8]: https://www.lancaster.gov.uk/the-council-and-democracy/civic-and-ceremonial/former-mayors-of-the-city-of-lancaster. [^9]: Deed of August 4, 1469, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/lancs/vol8/pp4-22. [^10]: Ibid.; Syon’s history, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/lancs/vol8/pp4-22. [^11]: Foundation debate, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/lancs/vol8/pp4-22; tied to Gardyner per Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 251. [^12]: Deed of 1469, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/lancs/vol8/pp4-22. [^13]: Gardyner’s will, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 254. [^14]: Corporation role, Raines, A History of the Chantries (1862), 81. [^15]: Gardyner’s will, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 253–254. [^16]: Indenture of 1485, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 251–252. [^17]: Chantry ordinances, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 257–260. [^18]: Dissolution, Raines, A History of the Chantries, 79. [^19]: Almshouse details, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 252; gender discrepancy in Baines, cited in Simpson, 252n. [^20]: Gardyner’s will, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 255. [^21]: Rebuilding in 1792, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 252. [^22]: Gardyner’s will, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 253–254. [^23]: Ibid., 256. [^24]: Ibid., 255. [^25]: Probate, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 256. [^26]: Indenture of 1485, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 251. [^27]: http://www.storeysofold.com/book/page239.html. [^28]: Lease of 1574, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/lancs/vol8/pp4-22. [^29]: Hexham (1464), Ross, Edward IV. [^30]: Lovell’s chantry, see Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB). [^31]: Eton’s founding, ODNB, “Henry VI.” [^32]: Lancashire economy, general knowledge from VCH Lancaster. [^33]: Modern status, Lancaster Royal Grammar School records. [^34]: Chantry dissolution, almshouse persistence, Simpson, The History and Antiquities, 252. [^35]: Richard III’s reign, Ross, Richard III (1981). [^36]: Sevenoaks, ODNB, “William Sevenoaks.”
Bibliography
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